APR 25, 2018
These days, those regime-change evangelists, having shrugged off the lessons of the Iraq War, are back at the helm of U.S. foreign policy. John Bolton, Donald Trump’s new national-security adviser, has long advocated regime change in Iran, and more recently has argued that the administration should openly embrace it as a foreign-policy goal. At the same time, Bolton and his ilk are pushing for a denuclearization deal with North Korea ahead of Trump’s planned summit with Kim Jong Un, the country’s leader. Preparations for the meeting will likely be in full swing by May 12, the next deadline for extending the Iran deal.
The Trump administration, in other words, could find itself in the odd situation of tearing down the nuclear deal with Iran while pursuing a similar deal with North Korea.
Since the demonstrations, the Trump administration has viewed Iran’s rulers as vulnerable. Additional economic pressure, it believes, could threaten their hold on power. Undoing the nuclear deal would pave the way for a return to punishing international economic sanctions on Tehran—this time, not only for its nuclear program, but for its pursuit of medium- and long-range missiles, and support for the Assad regime in Syria. Such a scenario would restrict trade, discourage foreign investment, and potentially force Iran out of the oil market. This would please Saudi Arabia, whose economy depends on high oil prices.
During his visit to Washington, Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman predicted that the price of oil could rise to $80 a barrel—a price he would need in order to realize his ambitious economic agenda and fulfill the kingdom’s military and political aims. Excluding Iran from oil markets would certainly help realize that prediction.
Another unwelcome development that would precede a hypothetical regime change: Iran would likely quickly return to enriching uranium, this time at levels higher than the 20 percent that once so worried the international community. Admiral Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, has raised the stakes further, threatening that if the United States quits the nuclear deal, Iran could even leave the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which could mean openly pursuing nuclear weapons.
President Trump, in turn, warned on Tuesday that if Iran resumed nuclear activity it “will have bigger problems than [it] ever had before.” That is unlikely to deter Tehran. In fact, the more the United States threatens Iran’s leadership, the more likely it is to seek protection under its own nuclear shield. Washington would then have to switch gears, put regime change on the back burner, and instead woo Iran back to the negotiating table. The United States would have the same economic leverage it had first time around, but Iran’s nuclear program would be more advanced; Iran would have more leverage to get a better deal than the one the Obama administration negotiated.
On Tuesday, France’s President Emmanuel Macron proposed side agreements that could address the Trump administration’s concerns with the Iran nuclear deal.
But Washington has rebuffed Macron’s entreaties. It is not interested in finding ways to stay in the deal; it is looking for ways to wriggle free of the deal. Trump has called the deal “insane” and said that he wants a new one built on solid foundations. That may betray his personal ambition to cut the deal of the century with Iran, but in reality, it is a flight of fancy. Iran is unlikely to quickly acquiesce to renegotiating, not before it gains significant additional leverage, and not unless it sees significant upside in a new agreement.
Regime changers will get what they have all along been after.
If President Trump listens to regime changers around him, it would doom the deal.
The lesson of the failure of the Iran nuclear deal for North Korea could be that a deal signed by one president could be reneged by another.
The lesson Iran may take from Trump’s nuclear diplomacy with North Korea could be that it should first get what North Korea has—full nuclear-weapons capability along with long-range missiles that could deliver them far and wide—before it agrees to talk again with the United States. Washington may well look back at this moment as one of folly, when it set Iran on the course to become a nuclear-weapons state.
Isn’t hindsight a wonderful thing…..